{"id":70573,"date":"2025-10-06T07:30:12","date_gmt":"2025-10-06T05:30:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/a-desk.org\/?p=70573"},"modified":"2026-02-23T13:23:06","modified_gmt":"2026-02-23T12:23:06","slug":"la-militaritzacio-del-present","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/a-desk.org\/ca\/magazine\/la-militaritzacio-del-present\/","title":{"rendered":"La militaritzaci\u00f3 del present"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>\u201cEst\u00e0 b\u00e9 seguir usant roba de camuflatge amb aquest clima pol\u00edtic?\u201d <\/em><strong>(<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2025\/06\/16\/fashion\/camo-clothing-military-politics.html\">\u201c<\/a><a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2025\/06\/16\/fashion\/camo-clothing-military-politics.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Is it OK for Me to Wear Camo in This Political Climate?\u201d<\/a>)<\/strong>\u00a0La pregunta de Vanessa Friedman al New York Times sobrevola l&#8217;espai aeri fent-se sentir intensament: el 2025, hi ha pocs gestos que quedin fora de perill de la gram\u00e0tica b\u00e8l\u00b7lica. <em>&#8220;Portar camuflatge ja no \u00e9s un altre joc de la moda, sin\u00f3 una elecci\u00f3 carregada en un clima de guerres actives i fractures internes&#8221;<\/em>, argumentava. Un veter\u00e0 entrevistat a l&#8217;assaig afegia que, en temps d&#8217;invasi\u00f3 i genocidi, vestir-lo sense haver servit a l&#8217;ex\u00e8rcit equival al que ells anomenen un <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Stolen_valor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><strong>\u201cstolen valor&#8221;<\/strong><\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Una pe\u00e7a de roba que abans remetia a l&#8217;est\u00e8tica urbana desacomplexada o al reciclatge del punk, ara es llegeix com a adhesi\u00f3 o burla, i la presa de posici\u00f3 \u00e9s una cosa inevitable. Encara que pugui semblar un indicador a\u00efllat, acaba sintonitzant amb una \u201cmilitaritzaci\u00f3 del present\u201d que avan\u00e7a a trav\u00e9s del que \u00e9s quotidi\u00e0, digital i simb\u00f2lic. Uniformes, posicionaments, t\u00e0ctiques, enfrontaments.<\/p>\n<p><em>\u201cSi vols crear un esdeveniment monocultural, comen\u00e7a una guerra\u201d<\/em>, postulava Nick Susi en <a href=\"https:\/\/nicksusi.substack.com\/p\/if-you-want-to-create-a-monocultural\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><strong>una tesi recent<\/strong><\/a>.\u00a0Super Bowl, Trump VS qualsevol altre pol\u00edtic, Drake VS Kendrick, La Vetllada de l&#8217;Any: el que unifica avui l&#8217;atenci\u00f3 global \u00e9s l&#8217;espectacle del combat. Enrere van quedar els grans relats compartits que aconseguien que <em>tots parl\u00e9ssim del mateix alhora<\/em>. Ara, el camp gravitacional compartit nom\u00e9s s&#8217;activa si es reprodueix l&#8217;estructura de la confrontaci\u00f3: dos b\u00e0ndols, un combat, un vencedor. Entreteniment i entrenament per a un <em>momentum<\/em> on tot s&#8217;ordena en termes d&#8217;atac i defensa.<\/p>\n<p>El \u201cVS\u201d (\u201cversus\u201d) aconsegueix instrumentalitzar-ho tot. La diverg\u00e8ncia \u00e9s la presa de l&#8217;engagement i l&#8217;entreteniment de masses deixa de perseguir el consens per l&#8217;antagonisme: els algoritmes premien el polaritzant perqu\u00e8 el polaritzant assegura la interacci\u00f3. Aix\u00ed, un streamer humiliant un altre, una influencer massacrant una altra, una rapera atacant el seu rival per venjan\u00e7a en ple concert o un fil de Instagram ple de comentaris feridors en totes direccions. El que abans eren disputes marginals ara es programen com a batalles rituals multiformat que generen la dopamina col\u00b7lectiva. \u201cHem tornat al Colosseu\u201d.<\/p>\n<h3>\u201cReclutament, cohesi\u00f3 i cartografia del camp\u201d<\/h3>\n<p>I els gladiadors deuen sortir d&#8217;algun lloc. El que \u00e9s b\u00e8l\u00b7lic es trasllada al que \u00e9s afectiu en com es capturen els cossos joves i se&#8217;ls mobilitza cap a l&#8217;horitz\u00f3 de confrontaci\u00f3. Joshua Citarella <a href=\"https:\/\/joshuacitarella.substack.com\/p\/joshs-theory-of-radicalization\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><strong>ho va explicar<\/strong><\/a>\u00a0amb claredat fa uns quants anys: el proc\u00e9s de radicalitzaci\u00f3 no dep\u00e8n \u00fanicament d&#8217;algorismes, sin\u00f3 de la combinaci\u00f3 de car\u00e8ncies (seguretat, significat, connexi\u00f3) que troben llera en \u201cpipelines\u201d culturals que actuen com a embuts cap a posicions m\u00e9s dures. Per aix\u00f2 les plataformes de <em>streaming<\/em>, els lives a KICK o els p\u00f2dcasts de \u201cbros\u201d exhibicionistes es converteixin en casernes d&#8217;iniciaci\u00f3 on la masculinitat s&#8217;aferma a trav\u00e9s de la pugna.<\/p>\n<p>Si aquests \u201cembuts de radicalitzaci\u00f3\u201d funcionen com a canals de reclutament individual, el que passa en paral\u00b7lel \u00e9s que les comunitats necessiten relats compartits per mantenir-se unides. No n&#8217;hi ha prou amb captar subjectes a\u00efllats. Aqu\u00ed \u00e9s \u00fatil la <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Symbolic_convergence_theory\"><strong><em>Symbolic<\/em><\/strong><\/a> <a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Symbolic_convergence_theory\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><strong><em>Convergence Theory<\/em><\/strong><\/a> d&#8217;Ernest Bormann: els grups consoliden identitats mitjan\u00e7ant relats dram\u00e0tics que en reforcen la cohesi\u00f3. En xarxes, aquests relats es formen com a guerres morals, on el linxament digital, les microviol\u00e8ncies o la humiliaci\u00f3 p\u00fablica compleixen una funci\u00f3 gaireb\u00e9 ritual\u00edstica. Afirmen la pertinen\u00e7a alhora que combaten all\u00f2 ali\u00e8 o castiguen all\u00f2 impropi.<\/p>\n<p>Despr\u00e9s nom\u00e9s queda netejar l&#8217;arma, recarregar munici\u00f3 i fer mems. De fet, ara que ho comentes, fins i tot podr\u00edem observar el <a href=\"https:\/\/www.politicalcompass.org\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><strong>Political Compass<\/strong><\/a>, amb els seus quatre quadrants acolorits, com un diagrama de guerra interoperable. <em>Left\/Right, Libertarian\/Authoritarian<\/em>. El mateix podr\u00edem dir d&#8217;altres marcs ideol\u00f2gics que poblen Internet, com ara la Horseshoe Theory o el Nolan Chart.<\/p>\n<p>Lluny de ser simples plantilles mem\u00e8tiques, aquests esquemes actuen com a taulers: imposen un marc perceptiu que defineix quines posicions s\u00f3n viables i quines queden desqualificades, alhora que dificulten la tasca d&#8217;imaginar-se el <em>fora<\/em>. <em>Ning\u00fa no veu m\u00e9s enll\u00e0 de la guerra quan s&#8217;est\u00e0 lliurant la guerra.<\/em> En altres paraules: si la l\u00f2gica que ambienta i transpira \u00e9s la b\u00e8l\u00b7lica, aquests<em> frameworks <\/em>s&#8217;integren a la militaritzaci\u00f3 generalitzada de la cultura. El Political Compass \u00e9s tan violent com l&#8217;uniforme de camuflatge: no incita ning\u00fa a disparar per\u00f2 s\u00ed que disciplina la imaginaci\u00f3 pol\u00edtica i la subjuga a un camp tancat.<\/p>\n<h3>\u201cLa batalla per la percepci\u00f3\u201d<\/h3>\n<p>Aquest recorregut va del que \u00e9s purament est\u00e8tic, passant per all\u00f2 emocional\/visceral, arribant a all\u00f2 afectiu i ara culminant en all\u00f2 perceptiu. Un article com aquest, llavors, no pot seguir sense esmentar Jean Baudrillard i el seu exemplar <em>La guerra del Golfo no ha tenido lugar<\/em> (1991): all\u00e0 es teoritza que all\u00f2 b\u00e8l\u00b7lic es lliura sobretot a les pantalles, perqu\u00e8 <em>\u201cla representaci\u00f3 substitueix l&#8217;experi\u00e8ncia, i la guerra es converteix en flux d&#8217;imatges administrades\u201d<\/em>. Dels horrorosos v\u00eddeos de bombardejos i nens morts a Gaza als v\u00eddeos de l&#8217;assassinat de Charlie Kirk o qualsevol fil a X on es desxifra informaci\u00f3 en directe sobre el conflicte a Ucra\u00efna. La retransmissi\u00f3 constant converteix la guerra en un espectacle permanent, en un simulacre que produeix tanta adhesi\u00f3 com esgotament.<\/p>\n<p>Si la percepci\u00f3 \u00e9s el nostre veritable camp de batalla, el desplegament de la intel\u00b7lig\u00e8ncia artificial com a \u201carma invisible\u201d (o all\u00f2 que <a href=\"https:\/\/www.profbanafa.com\/2025\/07\/algorithms-of-war-rise-of-generative-ai.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><strong>Ahmed Banafa descriu com a \u201calgorismes de guerra\u201d<\/strong><\/a>)\u00a0nom\u00e9s complica la nostra superviv\u00e8ncia: aquests instruments estrat\u00e8gics s\u00f3n capa\u00e7os de simular escenaris, optimitzar atacs i produir propaganda a escala industrial. El que abans depenia de cadenes de comandament jer\u00e0rquiques avui es pot delegar en models generatius que dissenyen realitats plausibles: des de la predicci\u00f3 de moviments enemics fins a la fabricaci\u00f3 de narratives i <em>deepfakes<\/em> que en justifiquin l&#8217;aniquilaci\u00f3.<\/p>\n<p>Ara qualsevol ex\u00e8rcit pot inundar amb imatges sint\u00e8tiques un escenari perceptiu, ja no nom\u00e9s per confondre els experts o l&#8217;opini\u00f3 p\u00fablica. Impl\u00edcitament es busca corroir la seguretat (perceptiva) de les majories via suggesti\u00f3 algor\u00edtmica, passi el que passi a l&#8217;espai p\u00fablic. El que \u00e9s decisiu ja no \u00e9s guanyar o imposar-se \u201cen el terreny\u201d, sin\u00f3 la captura de la percepci\u00f3 global. El que als anys 80 es denominava <em>perception management<\/em> es reconfigura avui com a <em>cognitive warfare<\/em>: controlar all\u00f2 que es creu i all\u00f2 que es considera possible de creure. La pugna final \u00e9s condicionar com s&#8217;interpretaran els fets.<\/p>\n<p>La guerra es respira: el seu camp sem\u00e0ntic ens envolta des de la dial\u00e8ctica t\u00f2xica d&#8217;un intercanvi de comentaris a una xarxa social fins a les regles que se&#8217;ns imposen per percebre (i, per tant, experienciar) el m\u00f3n. I si ens aturem a escoltar, qu\u00e8 sentim? l&#8217;ansietat pesa, el futur es clou a base de cat\u00e0strofes que es van amuntegant.<\/p>\n<p>Per\u00f2 quan tot s&#8217;esfondra, paradoxalment, la guerra ofereix almenys un marc llegible, amb enemics clars i bans reconeixibles. Israel, Putin, Zelenski, un <em>beef <\/em>entre rapers o un fil viral entre wokes i ultradreta s\u00f3n dimensions diferents de la mateixa dramat\u00fargia confrontacional. La guerra funciona com l&#8217;\u00faltima cola simb\u00f2lica capa\u00e7 de sostenir una cultura que ja no creu en projectes compartits i que organitza i canalitza el seu malestar a trav\u00e9s de, justament, relats b\u00e8l\u00b7lics.<\/p>\n<p>La \u201cmilitaritzaci\u00f3 del present\u201d ho travessa tot: percepci\u00f3, ment, mems, taulers, pantalles, munici\u00f3, identitats, temps lliure, espectacles, posicionaments, qu\u00e8 es pot decidir, les interaccions socials, els nostres discursos, expectatives i <em>fins on se&#8217;ns permet creure.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u201cEst\u00e0 b\u00e9 seguir usant roba de camuflatge amb aquest clima pol\u00edtic?\u201d (\u201cIs it OK for Me to Wear Camo in This Political Climate?\u201d)\u00a0La pregunta de Vanessa Friedman al New York&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2975,"featured_media":70571,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_relevanssi_hide_post":"","_relevanssi_hide_content":"","_relevanssi_pin_for_all":"","_relevanssi_pin_keywords":"","_relevanssi_unpin_keywords":"","_relevanssi_related_keywords":"","_relevanssi_related_include_ids":"","_relevanssi_related_exclude_ids":"","_relevanssi_related_no_append":"","_relevanssi_related_not_related":"","_relevanssi_related_posts":"","_relevanssi_noindex_reason":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[7097],"tags":[7563,7561,7266,7566,7569,7574,7562,7564,7576,7568,7571,5798,7575,7567,7570,7578,7572,7573,7565,7258,7577],"coauthors":[7095],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v22.6 - 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