Labor Fascism

The relationship between knowledge and economics has not only determined the field of thought production, in terms of what kind of knowledge generates economic (and therefore legitimate) surplus value, but the dialectic between both powers has also organized our symbolic life in the form of activities that we call Work, a legacy of the hypothetical Modern Progress based on the Christian narrative.^[1]The Industrial Revolution as a paradigm of Modernity was based on a historical narrative that was part of the existential dogma of Euro-centric, and therefore Christian, societies. Beginning with … Continue reading. With the aim of regulating, organizing, specializing, departmentalizing, dominating and controlling what is produced and enunciated, Work as a disciplinary action becomes “social movement,” in the sense that it is not alien to society but rather constitutes and orders it in its process of abstraction, with ideologies about who, what and how our efforts should be, hypothetically, rewarded.^[2]The capitalist narrative that creates motivating and naive phrases such as “count on me,” “work hard and you will go far,” and “all efforts will be rewarded,” are very useful for … Continue reading. Capitalism, which feeds on physical, proletarian Work as the only possible element for sale, has invented rules that it enforces through institutions closely linked to generating wealth at the top of the financial pyramid, which is supposed to be “natural.” However, Max Weber showed that liberalism created an inflation of economic institutions driven by bureaucracy,^[3]The Bureaucratization of the World in the Neoliberal Era. Hibou, B., causing an increase in legislative and administrative measures that monetize and centralize the production and consumption that determines Work, its types, offers and demands, with the resulting social class as a legitimized specialty.^[4]The specialization of work as an active element of capital accumulation not only serves to endow the figure of the person who calls himself a “specialist” with an ego, supporting differences and … Continue reading It is important, therefore, to consider how not only is there nothing “natural” about the market, but also that Work as a mechanism of domination, alienation and modern slavery has become a multidimensional phenomenon that blocks class struggle by forcing proletarians into survival mode. The capitalism that dominates societies in military fields that obey the master and that has turned the basic rights of housing, food, education and culture into elements of privilege, has served as a fascist mechanism to emphasize gender and sexual differences, has generated, organized and evaluates social classes insofar as their usefulness, and has created an official hegemonic historical narrative that needs to be criticized.

Ideological discourse often lacks ways to easily identify the statements, narratives or arguments for or against officialdom. The reorientation of the gaze and the logic of obligation assumed as economic and symbolic surplus value in cultural practices^[5]Artistic work., produce changes in how we to see ourselves in and with the world. The organizational goal of contemporary capitalism, with Work as a form of control over what it produces, proposes creativity as an element of exchange and as a symbolic currency, forcing us to legitimize ourselves in the institutional structure that authorizes or impedes the entry of such creativity into a circuit that filters and imposes “what should be” in the name of the patriarchal State. In its purely economic logic and performance criteria,^[6]One of the strategies that capitalism has used to erect itself as the only model of survival is to deny other life alternatives, and those models that we know tend to construct poverty from the … Continue reading capitalism uses creativity by means of state policies that, beyond promoting creativity as a tool to think about the condition of thinking, generates discourse production centers that reaffirm the class-based roadmap, giving us as a society the “responsibility” to build a future^[7]As religions have done and continue to do, the promise of a better future is one of the mechanisms that have been and are used to replicate the same vertical structure. The Radicant by Borriaud, N. where creativity is subordinated to production.^[8]One of the symptoms that shows how capitalism has used culture as a symbolic and economic motor is the use of terms typical of the business sphere: cultural industries, production, objectives and … Continue reading Us so-called artists, in our attempt to make a living wage^[9], To consider oneself an artist because “they can live from their work as an artist” is to not consider the privileges that have allowed them to carry out such work. have allowed ourselves to be subjected to what Foucault already announced through biopolitics:^[10]Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France (1978-1979). Foucault, M.: life conditioned on a political model that avoids any collective commitment. Avoiding such responsibility, together with culture as an element of production where thinking has ceased to be the center, we affirm that capitalism is not only a financial mechanism for the organization of classes, gender, political and official narratives, but also that it has become a language based on the logic of exchange, debt and the promise of constant reparation, concealing its ability to metamorphosize and pluralize discourse. It is no coincidence, then, that cultural institutions introduce new terms that were already used to criticize Postmodernity, such as feminism, colonialism and gender, but until work structures include these terms in order to break with verticality, we will remain within a fiction that converts what could be the destruction of verticality into a formalist, harmless scratch.